A cross‐linguistic approach to children's reasoning: Turkish‐ and English‐speaking children's use of metatalk

When collaboratively solving problems, children discuss information reliability, for example, whether claims are based on direct or indirect observation, termed as “metatalk”. Unlike English in which evidential marking is optional, languages with obligatory evidential marking such as Turkish, might...

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Published inDevelopmental science Vol. 27; no. 5; pp. e13374 - n/a
Main Authors Özkan, F. Ece, Hartwell, Kirstie, Köymen, Bahar
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published England Wiley Subscription Services, Inc 01.09.2024
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ISSN1363-755X
1467-7687
1467-7687
DOI10.1111/desc.13374

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Abstract When collaboratively solving problems, children discuss information reliability, for example, whether claims are based on direct or indirect observation, termed as “metatalk”. Unlike English in which evidential marking is optional, languages with obligatory evidential marking such as Turkish, might provide children some advantages in communicating the reliability of their claims. The current preregistered online study investigated Turkish‐ and English‐speaking 3‐ and 5‐year‐old children's (N = 144) use of metatalk. The child and the experimenter (E) were asked to decide in which of the two houses a toy was hiding. One house had the toy's footprints. When E left the Zoom meeting, an informant told the child that the toy was in the other house without the footprints in three within‐subjects conditions. In the direct‐observation condition, the child witnessed the informant move the toy. In the indirect‐witness condition, the informant checked both houses and said that the toy was in the other house. In the indirect‐hearsay condition, the informant simply said that the toy was in the other house. When E returned, the child had to convince E about how they knew the toy was in the other house using metatalk (e.g., “I saw it move”). Turkish‐speaking children used metatalk more often than did English‐speaking children, especially in the direct‐observation condition. In the two indirect conditions, both groups of 5‐year‐olds were similar in their use of metatalk, but Turkish speaking 3‐year‐olds produced metatalk more often than did English‐speaking 3‐year‐olds. Thus, languages with obligatory evidential marking might facilitate children's collaborative reasoning. Research Highlights Children as young as 3 years of age can produce metatalk. Turkish‐speaking children produce metatalk more often than English‐speaking children. The difference between the two linguistic groups is more pronounced at age 3. When collaboratively solving problems, children discuss information reliability, for example, whether claims are based on direct or indirect observation, termed as “metatalk”. In this cross‐linguistic study, Turkish‐speaking children used metatalk more often than did English‐speaking children, especially in the direct‐observation condition. In the two indirect conditions, both groups of 5‐year‐olds were similar in their use of metatalk, but Turkish speaking 3‐year‐olds produced metatalk more often than did English‐speaking 3‐year‐olds. These results suggest that languages with obligatory evidential marking, such as Turkish, might facilitate children's use of metatalk and collaborative reasoning.
AbstractList When collaboratively solving problems, children discuss information reliability, for example, whether claims are based on direct or indirect observation, termed as "metatalk". Unlike English in which evidential marking is optional, languages with obligatory evidential marking such as Turkish, might provide children some advantages in communicating the reliability of their claims. The current preregistered online study investigated Turkish- and English-speaking 3- and 5-year-old children's (N = 144) use of metatalk. The child and the experimenter (E) were asked to decide in which of the two houses a toy was hiding. One house had the toy's footprints. When E left the Zoom meeting, an informant told the child that the toy was in the other house without the footprints in three within-subjects conditions. In the direct-observation condition, the child witnessed the informant move the toy. In the indirect-witness condition, the informant checked both houses and said that the toy was in the other house. In the indirect-hearsay condition, the informant simply said that the toy was in the other house. When E returned, the child had to convince E about how they knew the toy was in the other house using metatalk (e.g., "I saw it move"). Turkish-speaking children used metatalk more often than did English-speaking children, especially in the direct-observation condition. In the two indirect conditions, both groups of 5-year-olds were similar in their use of metatalk, but Turkish speaking 3-year-olds produced metatalk more often than did English-speaking 3-year-olds. Thus, languages with obligatory evidential marking might facilitate children's collaborative reasoning. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Children as young as 3 years of age can produce metatalk. Turkish-speaking children produce metatalk more often than English-speaking children. The difference between the two linguistic groups is more pronounced at age 3.
When collaboratively solving problems, children discuss information reliability, for example, whether claims are based on direct or indirect observation, termed as “metatalk”. Unlike English in which evidential marking is optional, languages with obligatory evidential marking such as Turkish, might provide children some advantages in communicating the reliability of their claims. The current preregistered online study investigated Turkish‐ and English‐speaking 3‐ and 5‐year‐old children's (N = 144) use of metatalk. The child and the experimenter (E) were asked to decide in which of the two houses a toy was hiding. One house had the toy's footprints. When E left the Zoom meeting, an informant told the child that the toy was in the other house without the footprints in three within‐subjects conditions. In the direct‐observation condition, the child witnessed the informant move the toy. In the indirect‐witness condition, the informant checked both houses and said that the toy was in the other house. In the indirect‐hearsay condition, the informant simply said that the toy was in the other house. When E returned, the child had to convince E about how they knew the toy was in the other house using metatalk (e.g., “I saw it move”). Turkish‐speaking children used metatalk more often than did English‐speaking children, especially in the direct‐observation condition. In the two indirect conditions, both groups of 5‐year‐olds were similar in their use of metatalk, but Turkish speaking 3‐year‐olds produced metatalk more often than did English‐speaking 3‐year‐olds. Thus, languages with obligatory evidential marking might facilitate children's collaborative reasoning.Research HighlightsChildren as young as 3 years of age can produce metatalk.Turkish‐speaking children produce metatalk more often than English‐speaking children.The difference between the two linguistic groups is more pronounced at age 3.
When collaboratively solving problems, children discuss information reliability, for example, whether claims are based on direct or indirect observation, termed as "metatalk". Unlike English in which evidential marking is optional, languages with obligatory evidential marking such as Turkish, might provide children some advantages in communicating the reliability of their claims. The current preregistered online study investigated Turkish- and English-speaking 3- and 5-year-old children's (N = 144) use of metatalk. The child and the experimenter (E) were asked to decide in which of the two houses a toy was hiding. One house had the toy's footprints. When E left the Zoom meeting, an informant told the child that the toy was in the other house without the footprints in three within-subjects conditions. In the direct-observation condition, the child witnessed the informant move the toy. In the indirect-witness condition, the informant checked both houses and said that the toy was in the other house. In the indirect-hearsay condition, the informant simply said that the toy was in the other house. When E returned, the child had to convince E about how they knew the toy was in the other house using metatalk (e.g., "I saw it move"). Turkish-speaking children used metatalk more often than did English-speaking children, especially in the direct-observation condition. In the two indirect conditions, both groups of 5-year-olds were similar in their use of metatalk, but Turkish speaking 3-year-olds produced metatalk more often than did English-speaking 3-year-olds. Thus, languages with obligatory evidential marking might facilitate children's collaborative reasoning. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Children as young as 3 years of age can produce metatalk. Turkish-speaking children produce metatalk more often than English-speaking children. The difference between the two linguistic groups is more pronounced at age 3.When collaboratively solving problems, children discuss information reliability, for example, whether claims are based on direct or indirect observation, termed as "metatalk". Unlike English in which evidential marking is optional, languages with obligatory evidential marking such as Turkish, might provide children some advantages in communicating the reliability of their claims. The current preregistered online study investigated Turkish- and English-speaking 3- and 5-year-old children's (N = 144) use of metatalk. The child and the experimenter (E) were asked to decide in which of the two houses a toy was hiding. One house had the toy's footprints. When E left the Zoom meeting, an informant told the child that the toy was in the other house without the footprints in three within-subjects conditions. In the direct-observation condition, the child witnessed the informant move the toy. In the indirect-witness condition, the informant checked both houses and said that the toy was in the other house. In the indirect-hearsay condition, the informant simply said that the toy was in the other house. When E returned, the child had to convince E about how they knew the toy was in the other house using metatalk (e.g., "I saw it move"). Turkish-speaking children used metatalk more often than did English-speaking children, especially in the direct-observation condition. In the two indirect conditions, both groups of 5-year-olds were similar in their use of metatalk, but Turkish speaking 3-year-olds produced metatalk more often than did English-speaking 3-year-olds. Thus, languages with obligatory evidential marking might facilitate children's collaborative reasoning. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Children as young as 3 years of age can produce metatalk. Turkish-speaking children produce metatalk more often than English-speaking children. The difference between the two linguistic groups is more pronounced at age 3.
When collaboratively solving problems, children discuss information reliability, for example, whether claims are based on direct or indirect observation, termed as “metatalk”. Unlike English in which evidential marking is optional, languages with obligatory evidential marking such as Turkish, might provide children some advantages in communicating the reliability of their claims. The current preregistered online study investigated Turkish‐ and English‐speaking 3‐ and 5‐year‐old children's (N = 144) use of metatalk. The child and the experimenter (E) were asked to decide in which of the two houses a toy was hiding. One house had the toy's footprints. When E left the Zoom meeting, an informant told the child that the toy was in the other house without the footprints in three within‐subjects conditions. In the direct‐observation condition, the child witnessed the informant move the toy. In the indirect‐witness condition, the informant checked both houses and said that the toy was in the other house. In the indirect‐hearsay condition, the informant simply said that the toy was in the other house. When E returned, the child had to convince E about how they knew the toy was in the other house using metatalk (e.g., “I saw it move”). Turkish‐speaking children used metatalk more often than did English‐speaking children, especially in the direct‐observation condition. In the two indirect conditions, both groups of 5‐year‐olds were similar in their use of metatalk, but Turkish speaking 3‐year‐olds produced metatalk more often than did English‐speaking 3‐year‐olds. Thus, languages with obligatory evidential marking might facilitate children's collaborative reasoning. Research Highlights Children as young as 3 years of age can produce metatalk. Turkish‐speaking children produce metatalk more often than English‐speaking children. The difference between the two linguistic groups is more pronounced at age 3. When collaboratively solving problems, children discuss information reliability, for example, whether claims are based on direct or indirect observation, termed as “metatalk”. In this cross‐linguistic study, Turkish‐speaking children used metatalk more often than did English‐speaking children, especially in the direct‐observation condition. In the two indirect conditions, both groups of 5‐year‐olds were similar in their use of metatalk, but Turkish speaking 3‐year‐olds produced metatalk more often than did English‐speaking 3‐year‐olds. These results suggest that languages with obligatory evidential marking, such as Turkish, might facilitate children's use of metatalk and collaborative reasoning.
Author Köymen, Bahar
Hartwell, Kirstie
Özkan, F. Ece
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  surname: Köymen
  fullname: Köymen, Bahar
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Issue 5
Keywords evidentiality
cross-linguistic differences
metatalk
reasoning
Language English
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Snippet When collaboratively solving problems, children discuss information reliability, for example, whether claims are based on direct or indirect observation,...
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SubjectTerms Children
Children & youth
cross‐linguistic differences
evidentiality
Houses
metatalk
reasoning
Title A cross‐linguistic approach to children's reasoning: Turkish‐ and English‐speaking children's use of metatalk
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https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/36719106
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