Clitic Combinations, Their Hosts and Their Ordering

In this work we investigate the implications of Kayne's (1994) antisymmetry proposals for the position to which clitics adjoin in the sentence and the manner in which two (or more) clitics may combine. It is demonstrated that adjunction of clitics to${\rm Agr}^{0}$is excluded by antisymmetry, l...

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Published inNatural language and linguistic theory Vol. 17; no. 1; pp. 85 - 121
Main Author Terzi, Arhonto
Format Journal Article
LanguageEnglish
Published Dordrecht Kluwer Academic Publishers 01.02.1999
Springer
D. Reidel Publishing Co
Springer Nature B.V
Subjects
Online AccessGet full text
ISSN0167-806X
1573-0859
DOI10.1023/A:1006075626603

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Abstract In this work we investigate the implications of Kayne's (1994) antisymmetry proposals for the position to which clitics adjoin in the sentence and the manner in which two (or more) clitics may combine. It is demonstrated that adjunction of clitics to${\rm Agr}^{0}$is excluded by antisymmetry, leading to results in the spirit of Chomsky (1995), who dispenses with the notion of agreement as a functional head, hence as a potential adjunction site for clitics. Assuming that the Linear Correspondence Axiom does not apply after spell-out, we argue that${\rm T}^{0}$serves as a host of clitics when Tense features are weak; as for the remaining contexts, we propose that clitics adjoin to heads that are placeholders, departing from the idea that there is a designated functional head and that clitics adjoin to it in all syntactic environments. We present evidence from Greek dialects which supports these claims and instantiates the different manner in which clitics combine in clusters. We extend our proposals to explain similar issues pertaining to the clitic system of the Standard Romance languages.
AbstractList In this work we investigate the implications of Kayne's (1994) antisymmetry proposals for the position to which clitics adjoin in the sentence and the manner in which two (or more) clitics may combine. It is demonstrated that adjunction of clitics to${\rm Agr}^{0}$is excluded by antisymmetry, leading to results in the spirit of Chomsky (1995), who dispenses with the notion of agreement as a functional head, hence as a potential adjunction site for clitics. Assuming that the Linear Correspondence Axiom does not apply after spell-out, we argue that${\rm T}^{0}$serves as a host of clitics when Tense features are weak; as for the remaining contexts, we propose that clitics adjoin to heads that are placeholders, departing from the idea that there is a designated functional head and that clitics adjoin to it in all syntactic environments. We present evidence from Greek dialects which supports these claims and instantiates the different manner in which clitics combine in clusters. We extend our proposals to explain similar issues pertaining to the clitic system of the Standard Romance languages.
The implications of Richard Kayne's (1994) antisymmetry proposals for the position to which clitics adjoin in the sentence & the manner in which two (or more) clitics may combine are investigated. It is demonstrated that adjunction of clitics to Agr-zero is excluded by antisymmetry, leading to results in the spirit of Noam Chomsky (1995), who dispenses with the notion of agreement as a functional head, hence as a potential adjunction site for clitics. Assuming that the linear correspondence axiom does not apply after spell-out, it is argued that T-zero serves as a host of clitics when Tense features are weak; as for the remaining contexts, it is proposed that clitics adjoin to heads that are placeholders, departing from the idea that there is a designated functional head & that clitics adjoin to it in all syntactic environments. Evidence is presented from Greek dialects which supports these claims & instantiates the different manner in which clitics combine in clusters. These proposals are extended to explain similar issues pertaining to the clitic system of the Standard Romance languages. 50 References. Adapted from the source document
In this work we investigate the implications of Kayne's (1994) antisymmetry proposals for the position to which clitics adjoin in the sentence and the manner in which two (or more) clitics may combine. It is demonstrated that adjunction of clitics to Agr0 is excluded by antisymmetry, leading to results in the spirit of Chomsky (1995), who dispenses with the notion of agreement as a functional head, hence as a potential adjunction site for clitics. Assuming that the Linear Correspondence Axiom does not apply after spell-out, we argue that T0 serves as a host of clitics when Tense features are weak; as for the remaining contexts, we propose that clitics adjoin to heads that are placeholders, departing from the idea that there is a designated functional head and that clitics adjoin to it in all syntactic environments. We present evidence from Greek dialects which supports these claims and instantiates the different manner in which clitics combine in clusters. We extend our proposals to explain similar issues pertaining to the clitic system of the Standard Romance languages.
Author Arhonto Terzi
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Keywords Adjunction
Word order
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Minimalist program
Generative syntax
Antisymmetry
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Snippet In this work we investigate the implications of Kayne's (1994) antisymmetry proposals for the position to which clitics adjoin in the sentence and the manner...
The implications of Richard Kayne's (1994) antisymmetry proposals for the position to which clitics adjoin in the sentence & the manner in which two (or more)...
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StartPage 85
SubjectTerms Aided Recall
Antisymmetry
Clitics
Descriptive studies and applied theories
Dialects
Functional Heads
Gerunds
Grammatical clauses
Grammatical Relations
Greek
Greek language
Infinitives
Linguistic universals
Linguistics
Memoranda of understanding
Minimalist Program
Movement
Regional Dialects
Romance languages
Syntactics
Syntax
Tense
Verbs
Word Order
Title Clitic Combinations, Their Hosts and Their Ordering
URI https://www.jstor.org/stable/4047907
https://www.proquest.com/docview/1298074010
https://www.proquest.com/docview/195900907
https://www.proquest.com/docview/85682428
Volume 17
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