Alignment in Syntax: Quotative Inversion in English
This paper explores the idea that many languages have a phonological Align(ment) constraint that requires alignment between the tensed verb and C. This Align constraint is what is behind verb‐second and many types of inversion phenomena generally. Numerous facts about English subject–auxiliary inver...
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| Published in | Syntax (Oxford, England) Vol. 19; no. 2; pp. 111 - 155 |
|---|---|
| Main Author | |
| Format | Journal Article |
| Language | English |
| Published |
Oxford
Blackwell Publishing Ltd
01.06.2016
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| Subjects | |
| Online Access | Get full text |
| ISSN | 1368-0005 1467-9612 |
| DOI | 10.1111/synt.12121 |
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| Abstract | This paper explores the idea that many languages have a phonological Align(ment) constraint that requires alignment between the tensed verb and C. This Align constraint is what is behind verb‐second and many types of inversion phenomena generally. Numerous facts about English subject–auxiliary inversion and French stylistic inversion fall out from the way this Align constraint is stated in each language. The paper arrives at the Align constraint by way of a detailed reexamination of English quotative inversion. The syntactic literature has overwhelmingly accepted Collins & Branigan's (1997) conclusion that the subject in quotative inversion is low, within the VP. This paper reexamines the properties of quotative inversion and shows that Collins & Branigan's analysis is incorrect: quotative‐inversion subjects are high, in Spec,TP, and what moves is a full phrase, not just the verb. The constraints on quotative inversion, including the famous transitivity constraint, fall out from two independently necessary constraints: (1) a constraint on what can be stranded by phrasal movement like VP fronting, and (2) the aforementioned Align constraint, which requires alignment between V and C. This constraint can then be seen to derive numerous seemingly unrelated facts in a single language, as well as across languages. |
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| AbstractList | This paper explores the idea that many languages have a phonological Align(ment) constraint that requires alignment between the tensed verb and C. This Align constraint is what is behind verb‐second and many types of inversion phenomena generally. Numerous facts about English subject–auxiliary inversion and French stylistic inversion fall out from the way this Align constraint is stated in each language. The paper arrives at the Align constraint by way of a detailed reexamination of English quotative inversion. The syntactic literature has overwhelmingly accepted Collins & Branigan's (1997) conclusion that the subject in quotative inversion is low, within the VP. This paper reexamines the properties of quotative inversion and shows that Collins & Branigan's analysis is incorrect: quotative‐inversion subjects are high, in Spec,TP, and what moves is a full phrase, not just the verb. The constraints on quotative inversion, including the famous transitivity constraint, fall out from two independently necessary constraints: (1) a constraint on what can be stranded by phrasal movement like VP fronting, and (2) the aforementioned Align constraint, which requires alignment between V and C. This constraint can then be seen to derive numerous seemingly unrelated facts in a single language, as well as across languages. |
| Author | Bruening, Benjamin |
| Author_xml | – sequence: 1 givenname: Benjamin surname: Bruening fullname: Bruening, Benjamin email: bruening@udel.edu organization: University of Delaware, DE, 19716, Newark, USA |
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| Cites_doi | 10.1111/1467-968X.00060 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199858774.001.0001 10.1007/BF00154265 10.1017/S0952675703004470 10.1007/s11049-014-9227-y 10.1515/9783110207552.31 10.1111/j.1467-9612.2005.00078.x 10.1162/ling_a_00107 10.1007/BF01791588 10.1163/9789004485211_015 10.1023/A:1005722729974 10.1007/978-94-010-0053-6 10.1007/978-94-015-8617-7_5 10.1007/978-94-011-5420-8_7 10.1162/ling.2010.41.2.287 10.1093/oso/9780195166712.003.0002 10.31819/9783865278654-004 10.1017/CBO9780511519963 10.1162/ling_a_00105 10.2307/416741 10.1353/lan.0.0201 10.1162/002438903763255922 10.1017/CBO9780511840425 10.1353/lan.2014.0037 10.1007/978-94-017-3712-8_4 10.1353/lan.2010.0002 10.1075/la.41 10.1016/0024-3841(92)90042-H 10.1093/oso/9780195142693.001.0001 10.7551/mitpress/4056.003.0009 10.1111/j.1467-9612.2007.00099.x 10.7551/mitpress/9780262013765.001.0001 10.1515/tlir.1990.7.1.1 10.1093/oso/9780195142693.003.0005 10.1002/9780470756416.ch14 10.1515/tlir.18.2.125 10.1163/9789004368866_010 10.7551/mitpress/4056.003.0014 10.1162/ling.2008.39.1.169 |
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Adverbial clauses, main clause phenomena, and the composition of the left periphery. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Napoli, D.-J. 1989. Predication theory: A case study for indexing theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Baker, C.L. 1991. The syntax of English not: The limits of core grammar. Linguistic Inquiry 22:387-429. Rizzi, L. 1990. Relativized minimality. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Lasnik, H. 1988. Subjects and the θ-Criterion. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 6:1-17. Aelbrecht, L. & L. Haegeman. 2012. VP-ellipsis is not licensed by VP-topicalization. Linguistic Inquiry 43:591-613. Sag, I.A. 2010. English filler-gap constructions. Language 86:486-545. Merchant, J. 2008. An asymmetry in voice mismatches in VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping. Linguistic Inquiry 39:169-179. Williams, E. 1985. PRO and subject of NP. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 3:297-315. Alexiadou, A. & E. Anagnostopoulou. 2001. 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| References_xml | – reference: Pesetsky, D. 1995. Zero syntax: Experiencers and cascades. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. – reference: Chomsky, N. 1995. The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. – reference: Napoli, D.-J. 1989. Predication theory: A case study for indexing theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. – reference: Torrego, E. 1984. On inversion in Spanish and some of its effects. Linguistic Inquiry 15:103-129. – reference: Landau, I. 2007. Constraints on partial VP-fronting. Syntax 10:127-164. – reference: Quirk, R., S. Greenbaum, G. Leech & J. Svartvik. 1985. A comprehensive grammar of the Eglish language. New York: Longman. – reference: Bowers, J. 1976. On surface structure grammatical relations and the structure-preserving hypothesis. Linguistic Analysis 2:225-242. – reference: Collins, C. & P. Branigan. 1997. Quotative inversion. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 15:1-41. – reference: Hoekstra, T. & R. Mulder. 1990. Unergatives as copular verbs: Locational and existential predication. Linguistic Review 7:1-79. – reference: Williams, E. 1985. PRO and subject of NP. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 3:297-315. – reference: Bresnan, J. 1994. Locative inversion and the architecture of universal grammar. Language 70:72-131. – reference: McCarthy, J. & A. Prince. 1993. Generalized alignment. Yearbook of Morphology 79-153. – reference: Toivonen, I. 2003. Non-projecting words: A case study of Swedish particles. Dordrecht: Kluwer. – reference: Lasnik, H. 1988. Subjects and the θ-Criterion. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 6:1-17. – reference: Hulk, A. & J.-Y. Pollock, eds. 2001. Subject inversion in Romance and the theory of Universal Grammar. Oxford: Oxford University Press. – reference: Bruening, B. 2014b. Word formation is syntactic: Adjectival passives in English. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 32:363-422. – reference: Newson, M. 2004. Deforestation in syntax. Even Yearbook 6:135-148. – reference: Julien, M. 2001. The syntax of complex tenses. Linguistic Review 18:125-167. – reference: Zeller, J. 2001. Particle verbs and local domains. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. – reference: Culicover, P.-W. 1992b. English tag questions in universal grammar. Lingua 88:193-226. – reference: Postal, P.-M. 1974. On raising: One rule of English grammar and its theoretical implications. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. – reference: Funakoshi, K. 2012. On headless XP-movement/ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 43:519-562. – reference: Alrenga, P. 2005. A sentential subject asymmetry in English and its implications for complement selection. Syntax 8:175-207. – reference: Bruening, B. 2010b. Language-particular syntactic rules and constraints: English locative inversion and do-support. Language 86:43-84. – reference: Sag, I.A. 2010. English filler-gap constructions. Language 86:486-545. – reference: Bruening, B. 2014a. Precede-and-command revisited. Language 90:342-388. – reference: Bruening, B. 2012. VP ellipsis inside islands. Linguistics Commentary (blog), November 26. http://lingcomm.blogspot.de/2012/11/vp-ellipsis-inside-islands.html. – reference: Authier, J.-M. 1992. Iterated CPs and embedded topicalization. Linguistic Inquiry 23:329-336. – reference: Radford, A. 1988. Transformational grammar: A first course. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. – reference: McCarthy, J. 2003. OT constraints are categorical. Phonology 20:75-138. – reference: Collins, C. 1997. Local economy. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. – reference: Rizzi, L. 1990. Relativized minimality. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. – reference: Bonami, O., D. Godard & J.-M. Marandin. 1999. Constituency and word order in French subject inversion. In Constraints and resources in natural language syntax and semantics, ed. G. Bouma, E. Hinrichs, G.-J. M. Kruijfff & R. Oehrle, 21-40. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. – reference: Baker, C.L. 1991. The syntax of English not: The limits of core grammar. Linguistic Inquiry 22:387-429. – reference: Merchant, J. 2008. An asymmetry in voice mismatches in VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping. Linguistic Inquiry 39:169-179. – reference: Chomsky, N. & H. Lasnik. 1977. Filters and control. Linguistic Inquiry 8:425-504. – reference: Richards, N. 2010. Uttering trees. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. – reference: Bruening, B. 2010a. Double object constructions disguised as prepositional datives. Linguistic Inquiry 41:287-305. – reference: Phillips, C. 2003. Linear order and constituency. Linguistic Inquiry 34:37-90. – reference: Aelbrecht, L. & L. Haegeman. 2012. VP-ellipsis is not licensed by VP-topicalization. Linguistic Inquiry 43:591-613. – reference: Postal, P.-M. 1977. About a "nonargument" for raising. Linguistic Inquiry 8:141-154. – reference: Alexiadou, A. & E. Anagnostopoulou. 2001. The subject-in-situ generalization and the role of case in driving computations. Linguistic Analysis 1:205-245. – reference: Haegeman, L. 2000. Inversion, non-adjacent inversion, and adjuncts in CP. Transactions of the Philological Society 98:121-160. – reference: Haegeman, L. 2012. Adverbial clauses, main clause phenomena, and the composition of the left periphery. Oxford: Oxford University Press. – year: 1985 – volume: 8 start-page: 425 year: 1977 end-page: 504 article-title: Filters and control publication-title: Linguistic Inquiry – start-page: 1 year: 1993 end-page: 52 – start-page: 31 year: 2007 end-page: 60 – start-page: 67 year: 1999 end-page: 105 – year: 2001 – volume: 10 start-page: 127 year: 2007 end-page: 164 article-title: Constraints on partial VP‐fronting publication-title: Syntax – year: 1989 – volume: 90 start-page: 342 year: 2014a end-page: 388 article-title: Precede‐and‐command revisited publication-title: Language – volume: 7 start-page: 1 year: 1990 end-page: 79 article-title: Unergatives as copular verbs: Locational and existential predication publication-title: Linguistic Review – year: 1990 – start-page: 86 year: 2006 end-page: 126 – volume: 1 start-page: 205 year: 2001 end-page: 245 article-title: The subject‐in‐situ generalization and the role of case in driving computations publication-title: Linguistic Analysis – 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| Title | Alignment in Syntax: Quotative Inversion in English |
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